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Volume XXI, No.2 Winter 2001

"An Acceptable Level of Violence": Intra-Community Violence in = Northern=20 Ireland and South Africa

by Colin Knox and Rachel = Monaghan

Printable=20 version

INTRODUCTION

South Africa and, more tentatively, Northern Ireland are = emerging from=20 bitter ethno-national conflicts in which violence and crime = characterized=20 the transition to peaceful political settlements. The collapse of=20 apartheid in 1989, lifting the 30-year ban on the African National = Congress (ANC) and the subsequent release of Nelson Mandela, = created a=20 climate for political negotiation and change in South Africa. This = paved=20 the way for an interim constitution, the first multi-racial = democratic=20 elections in 1994 and led to the Government of National = Unity.  The=20 ANC=92s success in the most recent elections (June 1999) gave the = party an=20 overwhelming mandate to accelerate Thabo Mbeki=92s program of=20 =93transformation=94 aimed at tackling the significant = socio-economic problems=20 facing South Africa: unemployment, AIDS, crime and education. The = legacy=20 of political resistance, often violent, deployed to make the = townships=20 ungovernable during apartheid has created a culture tolerant of = citizens=20 taking the law into their own hands. Although the number of = political=20 killings (killings arising out of the conflict between different = political=20 factions) dropped sharply from about 2,500 in 1994 to fewer than = 500 in=20 1997, 1 Mbeki in his inauguration speech in = Pretoria (16=20 June 1999) regretted that some South Africans were =93forced to = beg, rob and=20 murder to ensure that they and their own do not perish from = hunger.=94 2  = The savagery=20 of the crime wave is however captured in reports that one in every = two=20 South African women will be raped during their lifetime, the = average South=20 African is eight times more likely to be murdered than the average = American, and one policeman is killed each day - 1,400 have died = since the=20 ANC came to power. 3  The public response is that = =93brutality=20 should be met with brutality. The rich surround themselves with = razor wire=20 and private security guards, and the poor resort to = vigilantism.=94 4

Northern Ireland=92s transition to =93peace=94 has been more = recent and=20 capricious. The signing of the Belfast Agreement 5 in April 1998 and its subsequent = endorsement in=20 referenda by its electorate (71.2 percent) and voters in the Irish = Republic (94 percent) heralded a political solution to the = seemingly=20 intractable problems which bedevilled the province for 30 years. = 6  The British and Irish governments = formally=20 resolved their historical differences through the general and = mutual=20 acceptance of the principle of consent - Northern Ireland is part = of the=20 United Kingdom, and will remain so, as long as a majority wishes. = The=20 Irish constitution (articles 2 and 3) was amended to reflect this=20 understanding and power was devolved (December 1999) to a locally = elected=20 Northern Ireland Assembly with a wide range of executive and = legislative=20 powers. The agreement also contained measures designed to create a = =93normal=20 and peaceful society in Northern Ireland.=94  The most significant included = the early=20 release of political prisoners, parallel reviews of the policing = and=20 criminal justice systems, new independent Human Rights and = Equality=20 Commissions and a commitment from participants to total = disarmament of all=20 paramilitary organizations by working with the independent = International=20 Body on Decommissioning.  = Failure to=20 resolve the arms issue (prosaically described as =93no guns, no = government=94)=20 led to the suspension of the Northern Ireland Assembly and = Executive on 12=20 February 2000, a political impasse and the re-imposition of Direct = Rule=20 from Westminster.

The Secretary of State for Northern Ireland recently claimed = =93the guns=20 are silent and the IRA=92s cease-fire has, on the whole, held for = over two=20 and a half years.=94 7  Even though the Omagh bomb (15 = August 1998)=20 constituted the worst terrorist atrocity in Northern Ireland in = which 29=20 people died and 200 were injured, in 1999 seven civilians were = killed, the=20 lowest figure since the =93troubles=94 began, and the first year = ever that no=20 security forces were murdered. This, however, conceals an ongoing = level of=20 violence perpetrated by paramilitaries through =93punishment=94 = attacks,=20 beatings and shootings in their role as community =93protectors=94 = upholding=20 the law in areas they control. Up to the end of 1999 police = statistics=20 show there have been 2,241 shootings and 1,560 beatings since the = figures=20 were first recorded. 8  = These=20 statistics, however, are thought to under-estimate the true extent = of the=20 problem. Those subjected to beatings and shootings are fearful of=20 involving the security forces in case of paramilitary reprisal and = hence=20 there is large scale under-reporting. The current political vacuum = has led=20 to a significant increase in the number of beatings and shootings. = During=20 the Mitchell review 9 of the implementation of the Belfast = Agreement=20 (September 1999), Sinn F=E9in stated the importance of the = political process=20 in making conflict a thing of the past, accepted decommissioning = (the hand=20 over or verified disposal of paramilitary held weapons) as an = essential=20 part of the agreement, and opposed the use of force and = =93punishment=94=20 attacks. 10  This resulted in the cessation = of=20 republican paramilitary shootings until the suspension of the = Assembly, at=20 which point they recommenced.

This brief overview of the two countries suggests several = things.=20 First, communities, which have been brutalized during conflicts = over a=20 long period, become desensitized to violent crime. In the case of = Northern=20 Ireland this has been variously described by a former Secretary of = State=20 as =93the peace we have now is imperfect, but better than none=94 = or perhaps,=20 more tersely, as having =93an acceptable level of violence.=94 11  Second, within conflict settings = crime can=20 be differentiated into =93political=94 and =93normal=94 crime. The = former could=20 include informing and collaborating with the =93enemy=94 even = though such=20 activities would not necessarily be deemed as criminal by the = state. In=20 contrast, =93normal=94 crime would include break-ins, muggings, = rape, car=20 theft, drug-dealing etc., all of which would be considered as = criminal by=20 the state and necessitating action by the formal justice system. = When the=20 legitimacy of the state and its organs (the security forces and = legal=20 system) are integral to the nature of the conflict, however, this=20 forecloses recourse to the normal channels by which communities = seek to=20 tackle =93normal=94 crime. Third, and as a direct consequence, = communities=20 develop their own response to crime that will be heavily = influenced by the=20 violent environment within which they live.

This article, drawing on focus group interview material, will = therefore=20 examine ways in which the communities in Northern Ireland and = South Africa=20 have responded to crime both during the conflict and thereafter. = If the=20 raison d=92=90tre for =93political=94 crime has been removed once = a negotiated=20 settlement is reached and the legitimacy of the state reaffirmed = by=20 agreement, can communities then subscribe to the formal system of = criminal=20 justice?  Given the = relatively=20 recent, albeit fragile, arrival of a =93peace=94 settlement to = Northern=20 Ireland the article considers what lessons, if any, can be learned = from=20 the South African post-conflict experience and its efforts to deal = with=20 community 12 responses to crime.

Crime in Northern Ireland and South Africa

The Northern Ireland security forces have prided themselves on = having a=20 lower rate of =93ordinary=94 crime than other parts of the United = Kingdom,=20 even allowing for evidence of under-reporting particularly among=20 republicans. 13  In 1994,=20 for example, Northern Ireland had a lower crime rate than in any = of the 43=20 police forces in England and Wales. Figures from the 1998 Northern = Ireland=20 Crime Survey show lower levels of crimes against the household = than the=20 equivalent British Crime Survey (23 percent and 34 percent = respectively).=20 In the case of violent crimes against the person, the figures = between the=20 two regions are very similar: 4.7 percent of British Crime Survey=20 respondents, compared to 4.4 percent in Northern Ireland, said = they had=20 been a victim of violence. 14 This contrasts starkly with a report = by the=20 Police Authority for Northern Ireland 15 which monitored the performance of the = Royal=20 Ulster Constabulary (RUC) 16 during 1998/99 and found =93that many = categories=20 of crime are on the increase while police performance in tackling = this has=20 not always been as effective as anticipated.=94 17  The report notes that the number = of=20 violent crimes 18 rose by 21.2 percent, recorded crimes = increased=20 by 27.9 percent and crimes against the person went up by 33.2=20 percent.  These figures were confirmed by a Home Office = report on=20 international crime statistics, which showed that Northern = Ireland=92s=20 percentage increase (28 percent) in recorded crime was second only = to=20 South Africa where it rose by 37 percent in 1998. Northern Ireland = also=20 experienced the largest rise of the 29 countries examined in the = report in=20 the area of recorded violent crime, with an increase of 21 = percent, while=20 England and Wales, and Ireland recorded decreases of 6 percent and = 17=20 percent respectively. 19 One explanation suggested by the = Northern=20 Ireland Police Authority was that reduced levels of security force = activity provide greater opportunity for criminals.

The parallels with South Africa are outlined by one = observer:

The province could be risking a surge in non-political = organised=20 crime, as members on both sides of the sectarian divide exploit = the=20 weaknesses of peacetime policing. Urban guerrilla movements such = as the=20 African National Congress=92s Umkontho we Sizwe, the Ulster = Volunteer=20 Force and the IRA have routinely resorted to bank robbery, = protection=20 rackets, and smuggling to fund their military campaigns against = the=20 ruling power. When, as was the case in South Africa, the = movement=20 becomes the dominant political force, many of its former = operatives find=20 themselves unable to adjust to life on the side of the law. = Instead,=20 they stay in the shadows, and sometimes join forces in = lawlessness with=20 the very men who, when they served apartheid=92s police = structures, were=20 given the task of fighting them. 20

South Africa has been described as a =93crimo-generic = society,=94 the=20 origins of which can be traced to its apartheid past. 21  Transgressions of pass laws were = classified as crime and those involved in the liberation struggle=20 justified the use of violence as a legitimate means to an end.=20 Subsequently, politics and crime have been closely interlinked. = Police=20 figures show that crime had actually begun to increase in the = decade prior=20 to the ending of apartheid (1980-1990), when for example, murders=20 increased by 32 percent, rape by 24 percent and burglary by 31 = percent. 22  In the=20 post-apartheid era, crime has continued to rise.  In the = period=20 between 1990 and 1997, police data for the number of recorded = crimes to=20 the person showed a dramatic increase. For example, assaults rose = by 89=20 percent, rapes by 157 percent and robbery by 100 percent. For the = same=20 period, the number of recorded crimes to property also increased, = where=20 house-breakings were up 50 percent and theft of motor vehicles by = 47=20 percent. 23  The only=20 crime to have experienced a decrease is that of murder, which is = due to=20 declining levels of political violence. As Mark Shaw notes,

Increases in crime from 1990 are consistent with the = experiences of=20 other countries undergoing transition to democracy: as change = proceeds,=20 society and its instruments of social control B formal and = informal -=20 are reshaped. The result is that new areas for the development = of crime,=20 which are bolstered by the legacies of the past, open up. 24

What appears to have happened in Northern Ireland as the = conflict=20 developed is that the boundaries between so called =93normal=94 = and=20 =93political=94 crime have become blurred, leading to community = frustration=20 with the formal system of criminal justice yet, at the same time, = fear of=20 the influence exerted by paramilitaries. Questions are now being = asked as=20 to whether these erstwhile community protectors have become = oppressors and=20 what, if any, is their ongoing role in an era of = =93peace.=94  We now=20 examine in some detail the response of communities to crime during = the=20 conflict.

Community Response to Crime in Northern Ireland

Paramilitaries in republican areas of Northern Ireland have = assumed the=20 role of community =93police=94 from the very beginning of the = =93troubles=94 in=20 what they describe as the absence of a legitimate police service. = 25 Not only do they see the RUC as an = instrument of=20 the British state, which they do not recognize in Northern = Ireland, but=20 point to such failings as its religious composition (8 percent = Catholic=20 from a 40 percent population) and treatment of the minority = community. 26  They cite cases such as Robert = Hamill,=20 beaten to death by a loyalist 27 mob and witnessed by police who = allegedly failed=20 to intervene.  They claim RUC collusion with loyalist = paramilitaries,=20 most notably in killings of high profile nationalist/republican = figures,=20 such as human rights lawyer Rosemary Nelson and solicitor Pat = Finucane,=20 and accuse the police of exploiting young petty offenders for = intelligence=20 information gathering. In contrast, within the loyalist = communities, the=20 RUC are seen as legitimate but ineffectual, part of a system of = criminal=20 justice which cannot react quickly enough and exact retribution = deemed=20 appropriate by victims of crime. Pat Conway 28 points to significant differences in = loyalist=20 and republican policing. In the former he suggests they are more = involved=20 in policing their own organizations for reasons such as internal = disputes=20 and informing. Young people involved in anti-social crime, rather = than=20 being marginalized, are often persuaded to either =93join-up=94 = or, at the=20 very least, contribute part of the proceeds of their criminal = activity to=20 the paramilitaries.

Communities have turned to paramilitaries for protection = against crimes=20 committed in the areas they control. Typically these will include=20 burglary, car theft and joy-riding, drug dealing and more = generally what=20 is described as =93anti-social behaviour=94 against the community = or=20 =93hooding.=94 Officially, when community members complain an = investigation is=20 carried out and, if substantiated, followed up by a = =93punishment=94 graduated=20 on a scale or a tariff system consistent with the seriousness of = the=20 =93crime.=94  This can = range from=20 warnings, threats, curfew, beatings, shootings, exiling and = ultimately=20 execution. 29  In practice, however, blame and = guilt may=20 be established through little more than hearsay and the level of=20 =93punishment=94 can be arbitrarily brutal or lenient, depending = upon whether=20 the accused =93is connected=94 (related or linked in some way) to = known=20 paramilitaries. Beatings are carried out using weapons such as = baseball=20 bats, golf clubs, pickaxe handles, drills, iron bars, hammers and = hurley=20 sticks spiked with nails to inflict puncture wounds.

Community endorsement and support for the system is outlined by = two=20 interviewees:

The RUC don=92t come into our areas so we have to look to the = republican movement for policing. Because we don=92t have cells = to lock=20 offenders up, the system evolved from there. In the =9170s they = dropped=20 breezeblocks on them and nobody complained. As a matter of fact, = I don=92t=20 think they are doing enough to them now.

No person will go to the RUC. They will either go to = representatives of=20 Sinn F=E9in, community representatives or members of the IRA to = actually get=20 it dealt with. If somebody=92s caught joyriding in the area, = they=92re going=20 to face the courts, probably get out on bail, more likely get a = suspended=20 sentence, and they=92re free to go out again, start joyriding, = terrorising=20 the community again. If they go through the informal system, = action will=20 be taken immediately, whether it=92s exiling, their legs broke[n] = or=20 kneecapped. That=92s tackling the problem, getting to its core. 30

All of this ignores available evidence that a number of people = have=20 been mistakenly identified by =93punishment=94 gangs who = perpetrate these=20 criminal acts, boys as young as 13 years old hospitalized through=20 paramilitary beatings, and the process used to settle grudges or = internal=20 feuds, euphemistically described as =93housekeeping=94 = issues.  The=20 police tacitly acquiesce in a system which they know to exist and = can=20 exploit for intelligence gathering (=93informing=94 from another = perspective),=20 particularly given the vulnerabilities of many of the young people = targeted by paramilitaries.  Hence communities are caught in = a=20 trap.  Even though the Northern Ireland conflict reached a = political=20 and constitutional resolution through the Belfast Agreement, the=20 associated reforms of the police and criminal justice systems have = not yet=20 happened. A hiatus therefore exists.  In republican areas the = RUC are=20 anathema and communities still look to paramilitaries for = community=20 =93protection,=94 yet their political leadership gave a commitment = to the=20 Mitchell principles of democracy and non-violence. 31 In loyalist areas, which are much more = factional=20 in their paramilitary make-up and therefore less ideologically=20 homogeneous, there is a more irregular approach to community = =93justice.=94=20 This is best illustrated by a comment from one interviewee in a = loyalist=20 area:

Quite frankly, I don=92t want the paramilitaries to deal with = anything.=20 I want the police to have power to look after the community. As = far as=20 I=92m concerned the paramilitaries have no place in Northern = Ireland. I=20 mean they were set up to protect one side and fight the other = side. Well=20 that=92s done. We=92ve got peace now. They=92re big business. = They=92re hiding=20 behind this paramilitary protection and all this, but really = they are=20 extortionists into fraud and drugs. There=92s no place for them. = They=92re=20 kneecapping a young lad for housebreaking yet they are holding = up post=20 offices and banks. 32

This remark traces the shift in community feelings from a stage = when=20 paramilitaries were seen to have a legitimate role to play in a = conflict=20 scenario. In these circumstances communities were prepared to = overlook=20 racketeering, choosing to believe that this was necessary to fund = the=20 ongoing =93struggle.=94 As =93peace=94 developed they have become = intolerant, yet=20 no less fearful, of the role played by paramilitaries. The line = between=20 =93ordinary=94 crime and =93political=94 crime is indistinct and a = frustration is=20 palpable that the formal system of criminal justice has been = unable to=20 keep pace with this shift in the attitudes of communities. An=20 international report on armed groups recently argued that =93the = distinction=20 between politically motivated action and organised crime is fading = away.=20 All too often, the political objectives are unclear, if not = subsidiary to=20 the crimes perpetrated while allegedly waging one=92s struggle.=94 = 33  This is=20 particularly apposite in the case of loyalist paramilitaries whose = political objectives might broadly be defined as defenders of the = Union=20 but, in practice, they have been the countervailing forces to IRA=20 violence. With the Union secured and the IRA maintaining a = ceasefire,=20 their current role is being questioned by those they claim to=20 protect.  In a situation where police reforms have yet to be=20 implemented and the outcome of the criminal justice review has = just been=20 published, how then do communities deal with crime?

Crime in the Transitional Period

In this fluid political scenario republican paramilitaries, = under=20 pressure from Sinn F=E9in who must demonstrate their democratic = credentials,=20 have given their support to the concept of community restorative = justice=20 (CRJ) schemes. Restorative justice, based on some form of = victim-offender=20 mediation, seeks to move away from the traditional retributive = system of=20 punishing the offender for crimes committed. It attempts to = restore and=20 repair relationships between the offender, the victim and the = community.=20 Therein victims are given the chance to say how the crime affected = them,=20 the offender is confronted with the distress he/she caused, given = the=20 opportunity to make amends and offered a way of reintegrating into = the=20 community. 34  The impetus for republican = endorsement of=20 this approach came via a report produced by academics and criminal = justice=20 practitioners who designed a restorative justice system = appropriate for=20 local circumstances. 35 It presented a workable model = comprising=20 referral, investigation, informal caution, informal mediation, = formal=20 mediation, hearing and =93solutions=94 or =93disposals=94 (e.g. = restitution of=20 damage, referral to a statutory agency, community service and = community=20 boycott). This approach has been enthusiastically embraced in many = republican and nationalist areas (Derry and west and north = Belfast) with=20 demand outstripping the capacity of CRJ activists to deliver. The=20 principles of restorative justice have also found support in the=20 government=92s own review of criminal justice in which they argue = =93it is=20 necessary to find a means of mobilising local opinion against = vigilantes=20 and violence=94 but =93it must be in partnership with, rather than = as an=20 alternative to, the official systems.=94 36

Therein lies the problem. Community restorative justice schemes = in=20 republican areas do not recognize the RUC as integral to the = process and=20 critics have branded their approach as nothing more than a cover = for a=20 =93Provo police force.=94 37 This has prompted questions from = Unionist=20 politicians about their long-term role. David Trimble, for = example, asked=20 Adam Ingram, the Security Minister the following parliamentary=20 question:

Does the Minister agree that some of the restorative justice = schemes=20 that are operating in Northern Ireland could be accurately = described as=20 alternative justice schemes? Does he also agree that those = schemes are=20 operating wholly outside the legal system and involve = significant abuse=20 of the rights of the people who are caught up within them? 38

The Minister responded:

Some schemes clearly do not conform to what is desirable, do = not=20 recognise the police and, indeed, may not even recognise the due = process=20 of law. Such schemes do not fall within the ambit of restorative = justice=20 but of a different type of civil administration and are, = therefore,=20 unacceptable. 39

Others are generally critical of the whole restorative justice=20 approach. Mike Brogden, 40 for example, questions the detail of = its=20 implementation. Most sanctions, he argues depend on =93shaming=94 = the offender=20 and reintegration into society. The shaming process requires = community=20 solidarity not present in Northern Ireland. He also queries what = happens=20 to the offender who refuses to accept the legitimacy of the = community=20 court and/or the penalty handed down. He concludes that =93as an = alternative=20 to =93punishment=94 beatings and the inefficiencies of the formal = system, it=20 is welcome. But restorative justice is also ineffectual. For most = part, it=20 represents a road to nowhere.=94 41

Loyalists have also become involved in restorative justice, = most=20 notably through a program entitled the Greater Shankill = Alternatives. The=20 scheme commenced in 1998 as a direct response to paramilitary = =93punishment=94=20 attacks. The concept of restorative justice is not as widespread = and less=20 well-known in loyalist areas. Our focus group participants in the = Shankill=20 area, for example, had =93only vaguely heard of the Alternatives=20 project.=94  It is also more difficult to secure the = endorsement of=20 loyalist paramilitaries for restorative justice given their = factionalism.=20 What is interesting, however, is that those involved in the = program=20 grouped =93punishment=94 attacks into three categories: those = carried out by=20 paramilitaries on their own members for internal disciplinary = matters;=20 those involved in anti-social activities; and feuds between = groupings=20 involved with the sale of drugs. In the latter it was argued, with = some=20 circumspection, that =93these are not in themselves paramilitary = groupings,=20 although there could at times be an overlap in membership.=94 42 Based on this analysis, the community=20 restorative justice project opted to restrict its involvement to=20 anti-social activities. Since then, according to those involved, = its work=20 has widened to include =93socially harmful activities, empowerment = of the=20 local community, and areas of weakness within the formal criminal = justice=20 system.=94 43 Aside from the more limited = geographical=20 coverage of restorative justice in loyalist areas, activists claim = police=20 cooperation. Republicans contest the nature and extent of this and = see it=20 as duplicitous to secure government funding. Their criticisms are, = in=20 part, a reaction to their own largely unsuccessful efforts to gain = access=20 to public sector resources which they argue are being vetoed by = the=20 Northern Ireland Office.

A key element within the Belfast Agreement was a proposal to = reform the=20 existing policing and criminal justice systems. Participating = political=20 parties felt the agreement =93provides the opportunity for a new = beginning=20 to policing in Northern Ireland with a police service capable of=20 attracting and sustaining support from the community as a = whole.=94 44 In view of the contentious and highly = emotive=20 nature of policing, an independent commission (chaired by Chris = Patten)=20 was established to design =93a police service that can enjoy = widespread=20 support from, and is seen to be an integral part of, the community = as a=20 whole.=94 The Independent Commission reported in September 1999 = and=20 recommended, inter alia:

  •      A = commitment=20 via oath by all officers to uphold human rights.

  •      = The creation=20 of a new Policing Board (replacing the present Police Authority) = to hold=20 the Chief Constable and police service publicly to account. Its=20 19-member composition would include 10 cross-party Assembly=20 representatives and nine independents from the business, = voluntary and=20 community and legal sectors. The Policing Board would have the = power to=20 require the Chief Constable to report on any issue pertaining to = the=20 performance of his/her functions or those of the police service. = The=20 obligation to report would extend to explaining operational = decisions.=20

  •      At = the local=20 level each district council would establish a District Policing=20 Partnership Board with a majority elected membership and = independents.=20 The District Police Commander would meet with the Partnership = Board,=20 present reports and answer questions about community concerns = and=20 policing priorities. The local boards would have an additional = community=20 safety role with powers to purchase services on top of normal = policing.

  •      A = reduction=20 in the size of the RUC=92s 13,000 officers to 7,500 and a = recruitment=20 profile of 50/50 Protestant/Catholic over a 10 year period.

  •      A = change of=20 name from the Royal Ulster Constabulary to the Northern Ireland = Police=20 Service and the adoption of a new badge and symbols which were = entirely=20 free from any association with either the British or Irish = States.

    • Unionists reacted to Patten with hostility, accusing the = Secretary of=20 State of =93politicising the RUC, not only by taking away the good = name, but=20 also removing the independent Police Authority and placing a = future police=20 service under a Board controlled by politicians.=94 45 They see the reform process as the = symbolic=20 cleansing of the RUC=92s association with the crown and now demand = a=20 moratorium on police reform until the IRA moves on arms = decommissioning.=20 Nationalists, for their part, criticized the government for = diluting=20 Patten=92s proposals on police accountability in order to appease = Ulster=20 Unionists=92 concerns, ensure the survival of David Trimble and=20 copper-fasten the UUP=92s (Ulster Unionist Party) commitment to=20 power-sharing with Sinn F=E9in. Gerry Adams, in turn, pointed out = that the=20 legislation did not remove the Unionist ethos and emblems nor = provide real=20 democratic accountability. The potential for policing reforms to = restore=20 confidence in the short-term within alienated loyalist and = republican=20 communities is limited. The medium to long-term prospect is more = difficult=20 to predict.

    The dilemma facing communities is obvious. =93Normal=94 crime = is increasing=20 and the rationale for =93political=94 crime waning. The transition = to =93peace=94=20 has exposed the activities of paramilitaries, especially in = loyalist=20 areas, as community oppressors rather than defenders of a cause = which has=20 been overtaken by political events. Yet it will take some time for = the=20 necessary changes in the policing and criminal justice system to = be put in=20 place, and even longer for the communities to have confidence in = them. To=20 whom do working class people turn when faced with criminal = activities that=20 blight their lives?  The = apparent=20 support by paramilitaries for community restorative justice = schemes may be=20 no more than a cynical response on their part to keep their = political=20 representatives involved in the democratic process. There is = evidence that=20 they can initiate and discontinue =93punishment=94 beatings and = shootings at=20 will. To cede responsibility for law and order to the formal = criminal=20 justice system would be to loose control within their communities = where=20 they have some social standing and exercise patronage (the =93hard = men=94=20 image).

    The expectations of the communities, however, are also = important here.=20 Their experience is one of living in a conflict setting for 30 = years where=20 their major recourse to the =93law=94 was through the = paramilitaries who=20 administered =93justice=94 expeditiously and often through the use = of=20 violence. John Brewer et al 46 have argued that civil unrest has, in = fact, been=20 a contributory factor to the survival of community structures - = those=20 under attack have been strengthened as a consequence. Their = expectations=20 of the formal system, even a reformed one, based on this = experience will=20 be difficult to fulfil. Brutalized communities have become = tolerant of=20 rough =93justice.=94 One commentator on South Africa remarked = =93our high rates=20 of criminal violence, road traffic deaths, domestic violence, rape = and=20 child abuse are all oblique expressions of the brutality that is = embedded=20 in this society.=94 47 The same is true in Northern Ireland. = This=20 questioning of the role now played by paramilitaries has not = provided the=20 communities with any obvious answers to tackling crime. As one = interviewee=20 put it:

    We=92ve been brainwashed over the years. Whenever you heard = of a=20 =93punishment=94 shooting or beating the first thing came into = your head was=20 =93what did they do, they must have done something=94 because we = placed so=20 much faith and trust in the paramilitaries. Now I would put a = question=20 mark over these things but in our area the attitude is =93well = it hasn=92t=20 come to my door, I=92m sorry for you but as long as they leave = mine=20 alone.=94 48

    Given Northern Ireland=92s transitional status to a = post-conflict=20 society, what lessons, if any, can be learned from the experience = of South=20 Africa in the community=92s response to crime?

    Community Response to Crime in South Africa

    Prior to the peace process in South Africa, the police and = criminal=20 justice system were viewed by large sections of the population as = being=20 not only illegitimate but also tools of the repressive apartheid = state.=20 The police were concerned with policing the apartheid laws, = crushing=20 resistance, recruiting informers and supporting vigilante groups = rather=20 than combating crime. In addition, the courts were busy enforcing=20 apartheid legislation instead of trying alleged criminals and=20 incarcerating those found guilty of crimes such as rape and = murder. Thus=20 the townships in many areas were devoid of a police presence, and = a=20 dispute settlement/policing vacuum emerged. Subsequently, township = inhabitants developed informal criminal justice mechanisms for = dealing=20 with crime in their community. These mechanisms were developed, in = part,=20 from traditional rural practices such as the lekgotla, 49 which emphasized the restoration of = harmony and=20 the re-integration of offenders into the community. Sentences = handed down=20 to those found guilty included fines, corporal punishment and = community=20 service. Neighbourhood patrols and street committees were also = established=20 in an attempt to deal with such =93normal=94 crime as robbery, = theft and rape.=20 With the emergence of the politicized youth or =93comrades,=94 = people=92s courts=20 were established within the townships and residents were = encouraged to=20 take their problems to the =93comrades.=94 These courts were seen = as part of=20 the political struggle against apartheid as they represented an=20 alternative to the state structure and dealt with both = =93normal=94 and=20 =93political=94 crime. They advocated discipline, organizational=20 accountability, recognition of the =93true enemy=94 (the state and = its=20 surrogates), and an understanding of the damage that crimes = against the=20 oppressed caused, namely, that they were divisive and = counter-productive=20 to the struggle. Those found guilty by the people=92s courts were = often=20 given punishments of a community service nature, such as painting = an old=20 person=92s house or tidying his or her yard, a fine or, in more = serious=20 cases, limited physical punishment with a sjambok (whip). As = Wilfred=20 Sch=E4rf and Baba Ngcokoto note, =93the main aim of such exercises = in=20 'people=92s justice' was to show the wrongdoers that they had not = been=20 abandoned by their community.=94 50  Gradually these courts, which = numbered=20 some 400 by 1987, began to acquire the reputation of =93kangaroo = courts.=94 51 Given that these courts were = characterized by a=20 predetermined assumption of guilt of the accused, and instant = redress, it=20 is unsurprising that they often engaged in human rights abuses. = The=20 people=92s courts of the =93comrades=94 in some cases meted out = beatings and=20 whippings with a sjambok, with sentences of up to 300 lashes, and=20 occasionally they passed a death sentence. By the mid-1980s, those = individuals accused of =93political=94 crimes, such as = collaboration,=20 informing or being a =93sell-out=94 (working as a councillor or a = police=20 officer) were =93necklaced=94 for their alleged crimes. The = necklace method=20 involves the placing of a petrol-filled tyre around the = accused=92s neck=20 that is then set alight. Estimates suggest that between 1985 and = 1990 some=20 350 to 400 people were killed by this method of execution with a = further=20 500 necklaced between 1990 and 1994. 52

    Not everyone within the townships supported the anti-apartheid = struggle=20 and by the mid-1980s vigilante groups in opposition to the = =93comrades=94 and=20 supportive of the status quo had emerged. Such groups were = violent,=20 organized and received varying degrees of police support. Members = included=20 local =E9lites including businessmen, elders and their supporters, = urban=20 gangsters and police personnel. 53 These vigilantes only responded to = =93political=94=20 crime, which was defined broadly as any action against the = apartheid=20 state. Their activities included physical attacks on individuals = and the=20 destruction of dwellings.  = By 1988,=20 more than 90 percent of unrest related deaths were attributed to = vigilante=20 violence and some 6 to 7,000 people had died by 1992 as a result = of such=20 attacks. 54

    The various mechanisms developed by the township inhabitants to = counter=20 crime within their areas received varying degrees of community = support and=20 legitimacy. Like the makgotla before them, the people=92s courts = of the=20 =93comrades=94 lost support when their methods and punishments = became more=20 arbitrary and violent. As Mike Brogden and Clifford Shearing note, = =93township ordering processes could only work effectively as long = as they=20 were regarded as legitimate by all those who appeared before them = - or=20 dared not resort to the state system.=94 55 With the ending of apartheid and = the=20 negotiation of a political settlement, the question arose as to = whether=20 community responses to crime would continue in the =93new=94 South = Africa?

    Crime in the Post-Conflict Era

    In the years leading up to South Africa=92s first multi-racial = democratic=20 elections the country experienced both a decline in overt = political=20 violence and a dramatic rise in =93normal=94 crime. Figures for = the transition=20 years of 1990 to 1994 show a 7 percent decrease in the murder rate = but=20 increases in rape (42 percent), robbery (40 percent), vehicle = theft (34=20 percent) and burglary (20 percent). 56 In the same period, people=92s courts = continued to=20 operate and employ varying degrees of punishment. For example, in = Nyanga=20 (near Cape Town) two men were given a 100 lashes for stealing a = pair of=20 shoes 57 while in Mamelodi (near Pretoria) a = newspaper=20 reporter was sentenced to 500 lashes for writing about the = township=92s=20 informal courts. 58 Given the reputation of people=92s = courts for=20 brutality and summary justice, anti-crime committees have been set = up=20 within a number of townships. In some areas training programs have = been=20 developed and operational guidelines issued. The committees have = had=20 varied success. 59 Furthermore, non-violent community = courts have=20 also been established. These courts, or forums as they are = frequently=20 known, operate a restorative justice philosophy echoing the = practices of=20 the makgotla and seek to involve the community directly in the = resolution=20 of disputes and problems. Punishments are non-physical and = incorporate an=20 element of shaming. A community forum co-ordinator explains how = this is=20 done to those found guilty:

    We educate them so that they respect the community, . . . = it=92s not a=20 punishment where people are sjambokked, it=92s education where = people get=20 themselves embarrassed. [W]hen people come from work, they want = to see=20 the people who have been punished by the court . . ..  So = people=20 like to see them . . . [and] if they see you there they will = laugh at=20 you. Everybody will know he was a thief, or whatever. 60 =20

    The democratic elections of 1994 saw the formation of a new = government,=20 one that was finally recognized by the majority of the population = of South=20 Africa as being the legitimate government of the people. This = (new)=20 government inherited its predecessor=92s structures of law and = order.=20 Subsequently, it has attempted to address the problems of = illegitimacy and=20 accountability within the criminal justice system. In 1995, the = South=20 African Police Service Act 61 was passed. This act not only renamed = the police=20 but also envisaged their transformation into a public service = provider. It=20 also allowed for greater civilian oversight and community = cooperation with=20 the police through the creation of Community Police Forums. Within = the=20 magistrate=92s court system, lay assessors drawn from the = community have=20 been introduced thereby giving the community a greater say in the=20 sentencing of those found guilty of crime. More recently, the Law=20 Commission 62 has begun to explore the possibility = of not only=20 recognizing the informal community court structures that operate a = restorative justice approach in the townships, but also = incorporating them=20 into the formal system. It should be noted that these reforms have = not=20 resulted in the eradication of informal justice in the townships. = Indeed,=20 there has been a growth in extra-state mechanisms of law and order = together with a declining confidence in the state to provide a = safe and=20 secure environment. High crime rates, perceived police = ineffectiveness and=20 alleged corruption within the criminal justice system have all = contributed=20 to the continued existence of retributive informal justice. To = those who=20 can afford it the private security industry now provides safety = and=20 security for a fee. It is estimated that the private security = industry is=20 worth more than R9bn (approximately US$1.145bn) and that the ratio = of=20 private security personnel to uniformed police officers is four to = one. 63 Those communities who cannot afford = this=20 alternative protection have to rely on their own initiatives. The=20 =93comrades=94 are no longer involved in anti-crime activities; = rather new=20 groups have emerged that include Peninsula Anti-Crime Agency = (PEACA) 64 in the Western Cape, Mapogo a = Mathamaga 65 in the Northern Province and the = willingness of=20 taxi associations in some townships to become involved in crime = solving=20 for a fee. Furthermore, in some cases spontaneous mobs form to = mete out=20 justice to alleged criminals. All of these groups stand accused of = using=20 corporal punishment and violence in responding to crime. Indeed = Mapogo=92s=20 leader, John Magolego, asserts that public flogging, =93is the = African way=20 of stopping crime. The criminal must lie on the ground, and we = must work=20 on his buttocks and put him right.=94 66 Alleged suspects are usually beaten = until they=20 confess or provide information as to the whereabouts of stolen=20 goods.  Mapogo has also been accused of throwing suspects = into=20 crocodile-infested waters, while taxi-drivers in Guguletu are = implicated=20 in dragging alleged criminals behind vehicles.

    To the inhabitants of the townships, the kangaroo courts of the = taxi=20 associations or justice of the mob are the only effective source = of crime=20 control and justice available to them. The police and criminal = justice=20 system, although accepted as legitimate, are perceived as = ineffective,=20 cumbersome and in some instances corrupt. The anti-crime = activities of the=20 taxi-drivers in Guguletu were seen by many residents as an = effective crime=20 control measure; not only were goods and monies retrieved and the = alleged=20 criminal dealt with, but the actions of the taxi-drivers were = viewed as a=20 deterrent to other criminals in the area. Crime figures cited in = the Cape=20 Times for the first month of the taxi-drivers=92 actions show a = decrease in=20 theft (21 percent), murder (56 percent) and housebreaking (24 = percent) in=20 the area. 67  Superintendent Conradie, head of = crime=20 prevention at Guguletu Police Station, while condemning the = taxi-drivers=92=20 methods, acknowledged that crime had risen since their anti-crime=20 activities had stopped: =93After these people of the taxis were = arrested,=20 immediately there was an enormous lot of robberies especially with = firearms and the taxi people really made a difference.=94 68 Community endorsement and support for = the=20 taxi-drivers are outlined by two interviewees:

    You have just bought a new microwave, a new fridge and so on. = Perhaps=20 you go to work, the kids go to school, you come back later = during the=20 day and everything is gone and it=92s quite a difficult = situation. You=20 have seen the taxi people working. They were able to catch the = thief,=20 bring back the stolen goods. So you are obviously driven towards = the=20 taxi people to ask for help. Immediately they have picked up the = individual and the individual has dished out the necessary = information=20 in terms of where the goods are. The taxi people go beyond that = to the=20 extent of perhaps killing the person, and that leaves the = community=20 spirit crushed.

    People go to the taxis because they are looking for a quick = fix,=20 because the police is a long road that can take years. The = taxis, you go=20 now and you get your stuff in the afternoon, and the case is = solved,=20 everything. 69

    In addition to the developments in the black townships, an = organized=20 vigilante group has also emerged from within the coloured and=20 predominantly Muslim community living in the Western Cape. This = community=20 lives predominantly in the townships of the Cape Flats, which are=20 characterized by the existence of gangs. Some of these gangs have = long=20 histories and it is estimated that there are up to 80,000 active = gang=20 members in the Cape belonging to some 137 gangs. 70 Crime, including murder, rape and drug = abuse,=20 are daily experiences for the people living and working in these=20 townships. People Against Gangsterism And Drugs (PAGAD) was = established=20 toward the end of 1995 and articulated a number of stated aims and = objectives:

  •      to propagate the eradication of = drugs and=20 gangsterism from society;=20
  •      to cooperate with, and to = coordinate the=20 activities of similar minded people and groups;=20
  •      to encourage the incorporation of = these=20 people and other groups into PAGAD=92s campaign;=20
  •      to generate funds to realize their = stated=20 aims. 71

    • PAGAD acknowledges that it holds large-scale public meetings = and=20 protests, stages marches to the homes of alleged drug dealers and=20 gangsters, and issues warnings and ultimatums to individuals = involved in=20 drugs and gang-related crime. However, the organization denies = that it is=20 involved in drive-by shootings, petrol and pipe-bombings and other = shootings, although its members were captured on film shooting and = then=20 setting alight Rashaad Staggie, a leader of the =93Hard Livings=94 = gang in=20 August 1996. Individuals who have dared to criticize PAGAD=92s = methods have=20 also been targeted. For example, Dr Ebrahim Moosa, an academic at = the=20 University of Cape Town, had his home bombed after criticizing = their=20 vigilante tactics on the Muslim radio station Radio 786. A leaked = military=20 intelligence report suggests that between March and July 1998 = PAGAD=20 targeted 86 alleged drug dealers and succeeded in killing 24. 72 =20 Furthermore, the police attribute 188 out of the 667 violent = attacks=20 recorded in Cape Town in 1998 to PAGAD, and arrested 28 suspects = with=20 links to the organization. 73 Its members have been charged with a = range of=20 offences, including sedition, murder, attempted murder, possession = of=20 illegal firearms, malicious damage to property and public = violence.=20 Initially, PAGAD received backing from the Muslim community; = support rose=20 from around 6,000 in May 1996 to 100,000 in the following year. 74 An Institute for Democracy in South = Africa=20 (IDASA) survey in September 1996 found that nearly one-third of = those=20 surveyed supported PAGAD. 75  However, more recently original=20 supporters, including individuals and Muslim groups, have begun to = distance themselves from the organization. The Safety and Security = Minister, Steve Tshwete, regards PAGAD as =93terrorists, pure and = simple.=94=20 76  The state has advocated a much = harsher=20 response to their activities and has proposed a new Anti-Terrorism = Bill 77 that would allow for the detention = of=20 suspects for 14 days and the banning of organizations like = PAGAD.

    In discussing community responses to crime it is important to = remember=20 that the recourse to violent action outside the formal = institutions of the=20 state is a well-established principle in South Africa. Indeed, a = =93culture=20 of violence=94 can be said to exist in which society endorses and = accepts=20 violence as an acceptable and legitimate means to resolve not only = problems but also to achieve goals. 78  The Reverend Frank Chikane wrote = in 1987=20 that =93the most tragic reflection of [the] war situation in which = South=20 Africa finds itself is that it faces the years to come with = children who=20 have been socialised to find violence completely acceptable and = human life=20 cheap.=94 79  In the period before the = unbanning of the=20 ANC and the lifting of the state of emergency (February 1990) much = of the=20 conflict and violence was driven by township residents=92 = opposition to=20 apartheid and their attempts to make the townships ungovernable. = This=20 included rent, services and consumer boycotts, worker stayaways, = protest=20 marches and mass mobilization. The state responded by imposing a = state of=20 emergency and clamped down on overt political activity thus = leading to=20 confrontation between township residents and the security forces. = The=20 period leading up to democracy (1990-94) was characterized by both = inter-=20 and intra-community violence facilitated by the deregulation of = the=20 repressive state security forces and the legitimization of = violence by all=20 political groupings prior to the 1990s. 80  In democratic South Africa = violence is=20 endemic and can be found in almost all parts of social life, = including=20 attacks against illegal aliens and xenophobia, campus violence, = domestic=20 violence, minibus taxi =93wars=94 and violent crime. 81  Thus the sjambokking of = =93skollies=94 (local=20 hoodlums) by organized groups such as Mapogo or the coming = together of=20 concerned community members like taxi-drivers or ex-combatants has = become=20 common place in the townships in the =93new=94 South Africa.

    CONCLUSIONS

    What =93lessons,=94 if any, can Northern Ireland draw from the = South=20 African experience? Firstly, the implementation of reforms needs = to=20 involve a =93whole package=94 approach. The police reforms in = South Africa=20 have addressed the problem of legitimacy but new problems of = effectiveness=20 and transparency have emerged. The =93new=94 police service = established in=20 1995 has inherited many of the personnel recruited during the = apartheid=20 years, some of whom are badly trained and educated. It is = estimated that=20 25 percent are illiterate and around 13 percent do not hold a = driver=92s=20 licence, although the ability to read and write and possess a = formal=20 driver=92s licence are requirements of the South African Police = Services=20 Act. 82  The service also suffers from a = lack of=20 resources, detective training and high absenteeism. The creation = of=20 Community Policing Forums and encouragement of community = involvement also=20 appears to be a rather superficial measure given the general lack = of=20 resources and, in some cases, police antagonism to civilian = scrutiny. The=20 introduction of lay assessors at magistrate court level was = designed to=20 allow the community a greater say in matters of concern to them. = Much=20 confusion exists about the scheme and it appears to be haphazardly = applied, working in some areas and not in others. The low levels = of state=20 aid to people without work in addition to the high levels of = unemployment=20 exacerbate the crime situation in the townships. For some, crime = is the=20 only option if they are to survive. Unless economic reforms are=20 implemented to alleviate levels of poverty and deprivation then = crime will=20 continue to be a problem in the townships. Secondly, on the issue = of=20 community restorative justice the townships have a long history of = such an=20 approach and even in those townships where it is operating = successfully,=20 instances of retributive informal justice still occur. Community=20 restorative justice projects are a relatively recent approach in = Northern=20 Ireland and there is no guarantee that they will work or result in = a=20 cessation of =93punishment=94 attacks. Thirdly, in South Africa = the police are=20 now accepted as legitimate but a culture of violence persists. The = =93comrades=94 may no longer =93police=94 the townships but other = groupings have=20 emerged who are willing to mete out their version of justice = and/or=20 retrieve stolen goods, thus bypassing the formal criminal justice = system.=20 A negotiated peace that results in the community accepting the = formal=20 system does not necessarily mean that the utilization of often=20 =93successful=94 methods of retributive informal justice will be = abandoned.=20 This is particularly relevant in Northern Ireland where progress = towards a=20 post-conflict society is dependent on overcoming obstacles to = police=20 reform, demilitarization and decommissioning of paramilitary arms. = In=20 circumstances where reform of the key organs of crime prevention, = the=20 police and criminal justice system, are inextricably bound to the=20 faltering political process, then communities will continue to = seek=20 redress through the paramilitaries. For those in Northern Ireland = and=20 South Africa weaned on political violence, the promise of a robust = and=20 effective formal system of criminal justice seems a rather remote=20 prospect. In the meantime, the alternative informal system = continues,=20 sustained by a demand from communities conditioned to violence who = endorse, without necessarily agreeing, with its excesses. The key = lesson=20 for Northern Ireland is that political, constitutional and = criminal=20 justice reforms must operate in tandem to restore confidence in=20 communities that real change is taking place. There must be an = acceptance=20 that such change will not happen overnight and the process is = fragile and=20 subject to scrutiny by those suspicious of its effectiveness. Any = hint=20 that the guarantors of change (e.g. Equality Commission, Police = Ombudsman,=20 Patten) 83 are being frustrated in their efforts, = will=20 simply reinforce community mistrust and reassert their reliance on = paramilitaries. The ultimate goal is the transition from =93an = acceptable=20 level of violence=94 to real peace.

    Endnotes

    This research was conducted as part of the University of = Ulster=92s=20 Violence Research Project examining violence in the community with = particular reference to Northern Ireland and South Africa, and = received=20 funding from the United Kingdom=92s Economic and Social Research=20 Council.

    1.    South = African=20 Institute of Race Relations, South Africa Survey 1997/1998 = (Johannesburg:=20 SAIRR, 1999), p. 51. 

    2.    Thabo = Mbeki,=20 Presidential Inauguration Speech (Pretoria), htt= p://www.anc.org.za/ancdocs/history/mbeki/1999/tm0616.html,=20 16 June 1999.

    3.    = =93Mandela=92s Heir,=94=20 The Economist, 29 May 1999, p. 8; and =93A Society of Rapists,=94 = Weekly Mail=20 and Guardian (Johannesburg), http://www.m= g.co.za/mg/news/2000apr1/7apr-rape.html,=20 7 April 2000.

    4.    The = Economist, p.=20 23.

    5.   =20 http://www.nio.gov.uk/agreement.htm.

    6.   =20 http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/isues/politics/election/ref1998.htm

    7.    Peter = Mandelson,=20 Article by the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland for = Newsweek=20 (Belfast: Northern Ireland Information Service, 21 February 2000), = p.=20 1.   The Irish Republican Army (IRA) is the main = republican=20 paramilitary group and was formed in 1970 following a split within = the=20 republican movement.

    8.    Figures = for=20 shootings and beatings were first recorded in 1973 and 1982 = respectively=20 and show that loyalists were responsible for 42 percent of the = shootings=20 and 45 percent of the beatings; republicans carried out the = remainder.=20

    9.    The = Mitchell review=20 was an 11-week examination of the deadlocked peace process by = George=20 Mitchell, the former US senator, who had previously chaired the=20 multi-party talks that led to the Belfast Agreement. During the = review,=20 Senator Mitchell met with all the political parties in an attempt = to break=20 the deadlock over the decommissioning of paramilitary weapons and = the=20 implementation of an inclusive powersharing executive. For more=20 information, see http://news.bbc.co.uk/hi/english/static= /northern_ireland/understanding/events/mitchell_review.htm.

    10.   Sinn F=E9in = submission to=20 the Mitchell review, =93Defending the Good Friday Agreement,=94 http://c= ain.ulst.ac.uk/events/peace/docs/sf2999.htm,=20 23 September 1999.

    11.   Mo Mowlam, = Secretary of=20 State=92s judgement on alleged breach of the cease-fire (Belfast: = Northern=20 Ireland Office, 27 August 1999), p. 1.

    12.   The = application of the=20 term =93community=94 is problematic and some writers such as Eric = Pelser have=20 questioned whether it exists in South Africa in any identifiable = form.=20 Consequently for the purpose of this article the term is being = used very=20 loosely. Eric Pelser, The Challenges of Community Policing in = South=20 Africa, Occasional Paper No.42. =20 Institute of Security Studies, http://w= ww.iss.co.za/Pubs/PAPERS/42/Paper%2042.html=20 (September 1999), p. 6.

    13.   = =93Republicans=94 refers to=20 those persons who give tacit or actual support to the use of force = in the=20 pursuit of a united Ireland.

    14.   Northern = Ireland Office,=20 Fear of Crime and Victimisation in Northern Ireland (Belfast: = Northern=20 Ireland Office, Statistics and Research Branch, 1999), p. 1.

    15.   The Police = Authority is=20 an independent body that is charged under the Police (Northern = Ireland)=20 Act 1998 with securing the maintenance of an efficient and = effective=20 police service. It is also obliged to make arrangements for = obtaining the=20 views of people about policing and for obtaining their cooperation = with=20 the police in preventing crime. It was established in 1970 and is = due to=20 be replaced by a new Policing Board as a result of the = recommendations of=20 the Independent Commission on Policing in Northern Ireland (the = Patten=20 Report).

    16.   The RUC is the = police=20 force of Northern Ireland and was established in 1922.

    17.   Police = Authority for=20 Northern Ireland, Listening to the Community, Working with the = RUC: a=20 report on police performance in Northern Ireland 1998/99 (Belfast: = The=20 Police Authority for Northern Ireland, 1999), p. 9.

    18.   Violent crime = includes=20 violence against the person, robbery and sexual offences.

    19.   Gordon C. = Barclay and=20 Cynthia Tavares, International Comparisons of Criminal Justice = Statistics=20 1998 (London: Home Office, 2000), pp. 2-4.

    20.   S. Kiley, = =93How Political=20 Violence Can Give Way to Organised Crime,=94 Sunday Times = (London), 10=20 September 1999, p. 17.

    21.   Mark Shaw, = =93South=20 Africa: Crime in Transition,=94 Terrorism and Political Violence = 8, no. 4=20 (Winter 1996), pp. 156-75.

    22.   Ibid., p. = 159.

    23.   South African = Institute=20 of Race Relations, South Africa Survey 1997/1998, pp. 29-31.

    24.   Shaw, =93South = Africa:=20 Crime in Transition,=94 p. 156.

    25.   Ronnie Munck, = =93The Lads=20 and the Hoods: Alternative Justice in an Irish Context,=94 in M. = Tomlinson,=20 T. Varley and C. McCullagh, eds., Whose Law and Order? (Belfast:=20 Sociological Association of Ireland, Queen=92s University, 1988), = pp. 41-53;=20 and Liam Kennedy, =93Nightmares within Nightmares: Paramilitary = Repression=20 within Working-Class Communities,=94 in Liam Kennedy, ed., Crime = and=20 Punishment in West Belfast (Belfast: The Summer School, West = Belfast,=20 1995), pp. 67-80.

    26.   Andrew = Hamilton and=20 Linda Moore, =93Policing a Divided Society,=94 in Seamus Dunn, = ed., Facets of=20 Conflict in Northern Ireland (London: Macmillan, 1995), pp. = 187-98; and=20 Mary O=92Rawe and Linda Moore, Human Rights on Duty - Principles = for Better=20 Policing: International Lessons for Northern Ireland (Belfast: = Committee=20 on the Administration of Justice, 1997), p. 195.

    27.   Strictly = speaking, the=20 term refers to a person who is loyal to the British Crown. It is = also used=20 to describe those people who give tacit or actual support to the = use of=20 force to defend the union with Britain.

    28.   Pat Conway, = =93Critical=20 Reflections: A Response to Paramilitary Policing in Northern = Ireland,=94=20 Critical Criminology 8, no.1 (Spring 1997), pp. 109-21.

    29.   Andrew Silke, = =93The Lords=20 of Discipline: The Methods and Motives of Paramilitary Vigilantism = in=20 Northern Ireland,=94 Low Intensity Conflict and Law Enforcement 7, = no. 2=20 (Autumn 1998), pp. 121-56.

    30.   Focus group = interviews,=20 Belfast, September 1999. Breezeblocks are building blocks made out = of=20 cinders and cement. Kneecapping refers to the shooting in the legs = to lame=20 a person.

    31.   In order for = political=20 parties to be included in the multi-party talks they were required = to=20 commit to six fundamental principles (the Mitchell Principles) of=20 democracy and non-violence: democratic and exclusively peaceful = means of=20 resolving political issues; to the total disarmament of = paramilitary=20 organizations; to agree that such disarmament must be verifiable = to the=20 satisfaction of an independent commission; to renounce for = themselves, and=20 to oppose any effort by others, to use force, or threaten to use = force, to=20 influence the course or outcome of all-party negotiations; to = agree to=20 abide by the terms of any agreement reached in all-party = negotiations and=20 to resort to democratic and exclusively peaceful methods in trying = to=20 alter any aspect of that outcome with which they may disagree; = and, to=20 urge that =93punishment=94 killings and beatings stop and to take = effective=20 steps to prevent such actions.

    32.   Focus group = interview,=20 Belfast, November 1999.

    33.   International = Council on=20 Human Rights, Ends and Means: Human Rights Approaches to Armed = Groups=20 (London: ICHRP, 1999), p. 6.

    34.   Howard Zehr, = Changing=20 Lenses: a new focus for crime and justice (Scottdale, PA: Herald = Press,=20 1990); and Jim Consedine, Restorative Justice: Healing the Effects = of=20 Crime (Lyttelton, New Zealand: Ploughshares, 1999).

    35.   Jim Auld, = Brian=20 Gormally, Kieran McEvoy and Michael Ritchie, Designing a System of = Restorative Community Justice in Northern Ireland: a discussion = document=20 (Belfast: Institute of Criminology and Criminal Justice, Queen=92s = University, 1997).

    36.   Criminal = Justice Review=20 Group, Review of the Criminal Justice System in Northern Ireland: = a=20 consultation paper (Belfast: Stationery Office, 1998), p. 42.

    37.   Liz Trainor, = =93The=20 Alternative to Back-street =D4Justice,=92=94 Irish News, 1 = November 1999, p. 2.=20 The =93Provo police force=94 refers to the IRA acting as a police = force.

    38.   David Trimble, = =93Restorative Justice,=94 Commons Hansard Debate, 12 January = 2000, p.=20 263.

    39.   Adam Ingram,=20 =93Restorative Justice,=94 Commons Hansard Debate, 12 January = 2000, pp.=20 263-64.

    40.   Mike Brogden, = =93Law,=20 order and the justice question,=94 Fortnight no. 372, July/August = 1998, pp.=20 14-15.

    41.   Ibid., p. = 14.

    42.   Tom Winston,=20 =93Alternatives to Punishment Beatings and Shootings in a Loyalist = Community=20 in Belfast,=94 Critical Criminology 8, no.1 (Spring 1997), pp. = 122-28.

    43.   Tom Winston, = =93Shankill=20 Alternatives,=94 Fortnight no. 380, September 1999, pp. 18-19.

    44.   http://www.nio.gov.uk/agreem= ent.htm.

    45.   J. Taylor, = =93Unionist=20 anger as Mandelson rejects RUC link,=94 The Times (London), 27 = March 2000,=20 p. 3.

    46.   John D. = Brewer, Bill=20 Lockhart and Paula Rodgers, =93Informal Social Control and Crime = Management=20 in Belfast,=94 The British Journal of Sociology 49, no.4 (December = 1998),=20 pp. 570-85.

    47.   A. Smith, = =93Death by road=20 in South Africa fuelled by violence,=94 The Independent on Sunday = (London),=20 26 December 1999, p. 3.

    48.   Focus group = interview,=20 Belfast, November 1999.

    49.   The lekgotla = is a court=20 comprised of elders of the community who convene a meeting to = listen to=20 disputes and problems within the community and pass judgement. The = lekgotla emphasize a conservative moral code including respect for = elders,=20 the importance of kin and patriarchal authority. The plural of = lekgotla is=20 makgotla.

    50.   Wilfried = Sch=8Arf and Baba=20 Ngcokoto, =93Images of Punishment in the People=92s Courts of Cape = Town=20 1985-7: from Prefigurative Justice to Populist Violence,=94 in = N.C. Manganyi=20 and A. du Toit, eds., Political Violence and the Struggle in South = Africa=20 (London: Macmillan, 1990), p. 350.

    51.   Mike Brogden = and=20 Clifford Shearing, Policing for a New South Africa (London: = Routledge,=20 1993), p. 149; and Anthony Minnaar, =93Desperate Justice,=94 Crime = and=20 Conflict 2 (Winter 1995), pp. 9-12.

    52.   Minnaar, = =93Desperate=20 Justice,=94 p. 10.

    53.   Nicholas = Haysom,=20 Mabangalala: The Rise of Right Wing Vigilantes in South Africa=20 (Johannesburg: University of Witwatersrand, 1986), pp. 1-11; and = Martin J.=20 Murray, The Revolution Deferred: The Painful Birth of = Post-Apartheid South=20 Africa (London: Verso, 1994), pp. 80-81.

    54.   Murray, The = Revolution=20 Deferred, p. 81.

    55.   Brogden and = Shearing,=20 Policing for a New South Africa, p. 164.

    56.   Shaw, =93South = Africa:=20 Crime in Transition,=94 p. 159.

    57.   South African = Press=20 Association, =93Men get 100 lashes for stealing shoes,=94 The = Citizen=20 (Johannesburg), 18 January 1991.

    58.   Nomusa Cembi, = =93Caught=20 reporting - 500 lashes,=94 The Echo (Secunda, Mpumalanga), 14 = March=20 1991.

    59.   Minnaar, = =93Desperate=20 Justice,=94 pp. 11-12.

    60.   Interview with = Sipho=20 Citabatwa, Guguletu, March 1999.

    61. http://= www.polity.org.za/govdocs/legislation/laws95.html.

    62.   South African = Law=20 Commission, Community Dispute Resolution Structures, Discussion = Paper 87,=20 Project 94, October 1999

    63.   Martin = Sch=9Anteich,=20 Unshackling the Crime Fighters (Johannesburg: SAIRR, 1999), pp. = 21-24.

    64.   PEACA is based = in=20 Khayelitsha, a township near Cape Town. It was formed in August = 1998 by=20 ex-combatants of the liberation struggle who came together to = fight crime=20 and its members number 1,500.

    65.   Mapogo a = Mathamaga was=20 established in August 1996 and has some 40,000 members who pay a = monthly=20 subscription to the organization in return for protection against=20 crime.

    66.   Quoted in = Mungo Soggot=20 and Evidence wa ka Ngobeni, =93We must work on their buttocks,=94 = Weekly Mail=20 and Guardian (Johannesburg), http://www= .sn.apc.org/wmail/issues/990514/NEWS33.html,=20 14 May 1999.

    67.   Eric = Ntabazalila and=20 Motshidisi Mokwena, =93Crime rate is dropping in Guguletu, say = residents,=94=20 Cape Times (Cape Town), ND August 1998.

    68.   Interview, = Guguletu,=20 November 1999.

    69.   Focus group = interview,=20 Guguletu, November 1999.

    70.   Figures quoted = by=20 Superintendent Al Heylinger, Commander of the Police Gang = Investigation=20 Unit cited in B. White Haefele, =93Islamic Fundamentalism and = Pagad: An=20 Internal Security Issue for South Africa,=94 Crime and Conflict = 11, (Autumn=20 1998), p. 10.

    71.   Taken from = PAGAD=92s=20 webpage, http://www.pagad.co.za/aims.htm<= /A>=20 .

    72.   Sapa-AFP, = =93Intelligence=20 report links 24 killings to Pagad,=94 Sowetan (Johannesburg), 25 = February=20 1999.

    73.   Figures taken = from R.=20 Hartley, B. Jordan and J. Heard, =93Grim warning after Cape = blast,=94 Sunday=20 Times (Johannesburg), http://www.= suntimes.co.za/1999/01/03/news/news01.htm,=20 3 January 1999.

    74.   White Haefele, = =93Islamic=20 Fundamentalism and Pagad,=94 p.10.

    75.   Cherrel = Africa, Jennifer=20 Christie, Robert Mattes, Marlene Roefs and Helen Taylor, =93Crime = and=20 community action: Pagad and the Cape Flats, 1996-1997,=94 Public = Opinion=20 Service Reports 4, (June 1998), p. 24.

    76.   Steve Mann, = =93Seven hurt=20 in latest Cape bombing,=94 Weekly Mail and Guardian = (Johannesburg), http://www.mg.co.za/mg/za/ne= ws.html,=20 13 September 2000.

    77.   Republic of = South=20 Africa, Anti-Terrorism Bill 2000 (Draft), http://www.law.wits.ac= .za/salc/discussion.

    78.   Brandon Hamber = and=20 Sharon Lewis, An Overview of the Consequences of Violence and = Trauma in=20 South Africa (Johannesburg: Centre for the Study of Violence and=20 Reconciliation, 1997), p. 1.

    79.   Anthony M. = Mehlwana,=20 =93Political violence and family movements: The case of an South = African=20 shanty town,=94 in L. Glanz and A. Spiegel, eds., Violence and = Family Life=20 in a Contemporary South Africa: Research and Policy Issues = (Pretoria: HSRC=20 Publishers, 1996), p. 31

    80.   Brandon = Hamber, =93Dr=20 Jekyll and Mr Hyde: Problems of violence prevention and = reconciliation in=20 South Africa=92s transition to democracy,=94 in E. Bornman, R. van = Eeden and=20 M. Wentzel, eds., Violence in South Africa (Pretoria: HSRC, 1998), = p.=20 353.

    81.   Anthony = Minnaar, Sam=20 Pretorius and Marie Wentzel, =93Political conflict and other = manifestations=20 of violence in South Africa,=94 in E. Bornman, R. van Eeden and M. = Wentzel,=20 eds., Violence in South Africa, pp. 14-15.

    82.   Estelle = Randall, =93Lack=20 of schooled cops plagues SAPS,=94 The Sunday Independent = (Johannesburg), http://www.iol.co.za/news, = 19=20 February 2000.

    83.   The Equality Commission for Northern Ireland = was set up=20 on 1 October 1999 and took over the functions of the Equal = Opportunities=20 Commission for Northern Ireland, the Commission for Racial = Equality for=20 Northern Ireland, the Fair Employment Commission and the = Disability=20 Council for Northern Ireland. It is responsible for enforcing the=20 statutory duty on all public authorities in Northern Ireland to = have due=20 regard to the need to promote equality of opportunity across a = range of=20 areas including religion, political opinion, gender, race, age, = marital=20 status, sexual orientation, disability and those with or without=20 dependants. The Police Ombudsman was established by the Police = (Northern=20 Ireland) Act 1998 to exercise independent control of the police = complaints=20 system. Under the Act the Ombudsman must secure the efficiency,=20 effectiveness and independence of the police complaints  = system; and=20 the confidence of the public and of members of the police force in = that=20 system.

    3D"Table =20 =20

    Contact: jcs@unb.ca=20 =

    <= /SPAN>=
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